Oxfam has called on governments meeting at the London Somalia conference to develop a coherent strategy towards the country that shifts away from the emphasis on short term security and anti-terror concerns towards a long term engagement that prioritises the interests of ordinary Somalis.

In the briefing note “A Shift in Focus – putting the interests of Somali people first”, Oxfam said that at times international policies towards Somalia have been inconsistent, with support for state building and military interventions exacerbating the humanitarian crisis in the country and undermining the international community’s own relief efforts.

“It is time for a new vision of engagement that meets Somalis’ immediate and future needs, while providing the space for a negotiated peace process that puts Somalia on the road to recovery. Those attending the London Somalia conference must seize this opportunity and help start the process to address the causes of the conflict in Somalia and put the interests and aspirations of the Somali people centre stage,” said xxx Oxfam.

The agency said the London conference is an opportunity to stake out a new approach to the country by shifting the emphasis away from security concerns and taking practical steps towards an inclusive political solution to the conflict and crisis. Sustained international aid  is essential, both to save lives now and to help the Somali people rebuild their future, but to be effective this must be kept clearly separate from any political and security efforts.

Oxfam said that although responsibility for Somalia’s decades long crisis lies first and foremost with factions inside the country, international engagement has at times made matters worse.

For many governments involved in Somalia current military action is seen as improving security and stability, both in neighbouring countries and in Somalia itself, but reports from inside the country tell a different story.

Population tracking reports show that nearly half of the people displaced in January were fleeing insecurity, largely from areas seeing a return to armed conflict. Camps where civilians have sought refuge have been struck by warring factions on opposing sides, along with hospitals, a feeding centre and more than one aid agency compound.

A Somali woman and her child near Hargeisa, Somaliland.

Aid agencies offering life-preserving assistance have also faced obstructions from warring factions on both sides of the conflict in trying to reach those in need.

Oxfam said that the success of the London Somalia conference would be judged on whether it results in governments from the region, the West and the Islamic world using their influence with the various parties to the conflict to enable civilians to have greater access to humanitarian assistance

Also the Agency daid that action must be taken to ensure that political and security strategies do not undermine humanitarian assistance as well as enhance efforts to priotise non-militarised and sustainable solutions to the conflict and humanitarian crisis.

Amnesty International has also called on conference participants to ensure that the protection of civilians is put at the centre of any strategy put in place to stabilise the country.

“Children in Somalia are particularly vulnerable as they are recruited as child soldiers, denied access to education and killed or injured in indiscriminate attacks carried out in densely populated areas.”

A report by Human Rights Watch launched ahead of the conference said in Somalia there was no place for children as many have been forced to fight for different factions especially Al Shabaab while girls have been forced into marriages.

Britain is hosting the international conference on Somalia tomorrow which has brought together representatives of more than 50 governments and international organisations.

“For children in Somalia, nowhere is safe,” said Zama Coursen-Neff, deputy children’s rights director at Human Rights Watch. “Al-Shabaab rebels have abducted children from their homes and schools to fight, for rape, and for forced marriage.”

The 104-page report, “No Place for Children: Child Recruitment, Forced Marriage, and Attacks on Schools in Somalia,” details unlawful recruitment and other laws-of-war violations against children by all parties to the conflict in Somalia since 2010. The report is based on over 164 interviews with Somali children, including 21 who had escaped from al-Shabaab forces, as well as parents and teachers who had fled to Kenya.

Human Rights Watch called on all parties to the conflict, involving Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and African Union forces (AMISOM) against al-Shabaab, to release any child soldiers in their ranks, protect children formerly associated with fighting forces, and protect schools, teachers, and students from attack.

Since Somalia’s conflict intensified in 2010 and 2011, al-Shabaab has increasingly forced children, some as young as 10, to join its dwindling ranks. After several weeks of harsh training, al-Shabaab’s child recruits are then sent to the front lines, where some serve as “cannon fodder” to protect adult fighters, Human Rights Watch found. Others have been coerced into becoming suicide bombers. A 15-year-old boy told Human Rights Watch that in 2010, “Out of all my classmates – about 100 boys – only two of us escaped, the rest were killed. The children were cleaned off. The children all died and the bigger soldiers ran away.”

Al-Shabaab has also abducted girls for domestic and front-line service, as well as to be wives to al-Shabaab fighters. Families who try to prevent their children’s recruitment or abduction by al-Shabaab, or children who attempt to escape, face severe consequences and even death.

The TFG military and militias aligned with it are deploying children in their forces despite commitments from Somali officials since late 2010 to end the recruitment and use of children, Human Rights Watch said. To date, the TFG has failed to hold anyone to account for this abuse. It has also detained children perceived to be supporters of al-Shabaab instead of providing them with rehabilitation and protection in accordance with international standards.

“Al-Shabaab’s horrific abuses do not excuse Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government’s use of children as soldiers,” Coursen-Neff said. “The TFG should live up to its commitments to stop recruiting and using children as soldiers, and punish those who do. Governments backing the TFG should make clear that these abuses won’t be tolerated.”

Al-Shabaab’s violations of the laws of war include attacks on schools, teachers, and students, Human Rights Watch said. The armed group has deployed its fighters and heavy weapons in schools, often packed with students, and used children as “human shields.” Terrified students described to Human Rights Watch being locked in schools, awaiting often indiscriminate return artillery fire from TFG and African Union forces.

Young children and teenagers trained to become soldiers by Al Shabaab.

In schools in areas under their control, al-Shabaab officials have recruited children and teachers and imposed their harsh interpretation of Islam on the school curriculum. Students and teachers told Human Rights Watch that al-Shabaab banned English, science, and other subjects, and even killed teachers who resisted. As a result, many schools have shut down, after teachers fled and many children dropped out. Schools that have remained open provide little or no substantive education.

Human Rights Watch also called on the TFG, its allied militias, and the African Union troops to identify schools in areas of their military operations, including outside of Mogadishu, to minimize the risk to them.

International supporters of the TFG, including the United Nations, European Union, African Union, and the United States, have not paid sufficient attention to human rights violations by the government, including recruitment and use of children as soldiers, Human Rights Watch said.

More details in the report

By Noorjahan Akbar

I grew up Kabul and the first time I was harassed it was in Kabul. On a very sunny day as I was returning from school, two men on a motorcycle stopped in front of me and made an unpleasant comment on my virginity. As I was always advised by the society to do, I kept silent and continued walking despite the fact that I felt full of anger and despise. They moved away and returned about ten minutes later, when I was closer to home. This time, they pulled my scarf and then pushed me to the ground. I got up hurt and with tears in my eyes and I started yelling at them. There was no stopping. I yelled until they were so far I could only see a dot on the street. I was disgusted. I ran all the way home crying.

Then I did not know and even now I understand now why we women are always asked to keep quiet and exercise patience when we are violated. Patience is an over-rated virtue. When I was eleven I learned to not be patient and silent in the face of injustice. However even after that, because I still felt like I was the helpless minority. Often I would give up and just tolerate harassment to avoid being blamed for it by everyone on the street as it is the norm in Afghanistan. It was not until April of 2011, when I found a like-minded group of people to raise our voices against this injustice.

In April of 2011, when Young Women for Change emerged among college students in Afghanistan, the problem of street harassment was rarely addressed by media, the government or even women’s rights organizations. Despite the fact that a majority of the women that exit their houses are verbally insulted, groped or harassed in various ways in public in the big cities of Afghanistan, the issue of street harassment had always been viewed as trivial and minor violence. What is rarely understood is that there is a link between street harassment and other forms of violence and misogyny.

Street harassment mirrors our society’s beliefs about women’s participation in the society- that women do not belong to the public sphere. This belief is what leads to street harassment, which is why there is more street harassment in cities with women’s stronger presence in the society.

Harassment often effect women’s self-confidence and feeling of safety and leads to decrease in the level of women’s public participation and activism, especially if they are the ones blamed for it. This leaves the country with a smaller number of economically independent, educated and empowered women. Women who are not educated, are economically dependent on the men of their families and are not empowered enough to stand up for themselves. They are more likely to be violated in more severe ways in their houses. This is also proven if one studies the most severe cases of violence that have come to light through media. Sahar Gul, tortured by her husband and his family, Gulnaz, raped and then imprisoned, Qamar Gul, raped, Aziza, kidnapped and raped in Juzjan, are all women who were never given the safety and choice to be educated, work and be independent.

This does not mean that women who are educated do not face injustice; it means that they are more likely to be able to live independently and defend themselves if they face discrimination and violence. If the public is not made safe for women to become empowered and independent, it is futile to believe that private houses will be safe for women who face injustice.

In addition to that, if the streets are not safe for women, most families, even if they support women’s education and social participation, are likely to prevent their daughters from exiting the house to protect them. This leads to less number of women in the society, which is an obstacle in the way of bringing women’ voices. In short, street harassment creates a vicious cycle of violence.

One of the most efficient ways to fight street harassment, in addition to treating those who harass with justice and legal punishment, is to raise awareness about the issue. Young Women for Change took this up in April. In the month of June, we led the first ever walk against street harassment of women. More than fifty youth joined us as we walked in the west of Kabul. The police was very supportive and the media very friendly.

This led to a lot of coverage of the organization and awareness about the issue. It was the beginning for a dialogue on the issue. Soon TVs and radios picked up the issues, debates were created and YWC members went on air to answer questions from people around the country.

In addition to the walk, YWC members have also been meeting with groups of students in language centers, schools and universities to discuss street harassment. However, a dream came true when last month we launched our documentary on street harassment.

In a crowded small room in Certe Media’s office, over twenty five men and women gathered to watch This is My City too, a documentary produced by Anita Hadiary, the co-founder of Young Women for Change. The documentary, the production of which was funded by Anita herself, includes interviews with people of different classes, occupations, sexes, and ethnicities who condemned street harassment and told their views on why it exists.

A religious leader spoke of how Islam views of respecting women are an important aspect of social life and men are always encouraged by Islam to guard their eyes instead of harassing women on pretext of their clothing. A young college student told of her experiences of being harassed and urged men and women to work for ending street harassment.

The documentary was created to cause debate and it sure did. Women and men discussed with each other as YWC members moderated the debate. Despite our cold room, the debate was hot. Originally we were planning to end the event at 4:30 but the discussion on street harassment and how to end it continued until near 6:00. The energy of twenty five people speaking with passion and different points of views is powerful to watch. I deeply believe that change happens individual by individual and creating a public discussion and debate is the first step towards bringing real change in the thoughts of individuals. This is My City too is the beginning of a discussion on a topic long neglected.

Noorjahan Akbar works with Young Women for Change in Kabul. Follow their activities on Facebook.

“I was traveling near Afgooye yesterday afternoon, and I saw what I can really describe as a “massive influx”.  Hundreds of trucks, cars and donkey carts packed with mattresses and other household utensils created traffic jams along the Afgooye – Mogadishu road, just two days after AU forces extended their reach and approached Ceelasha. This is in the Afgooye Corridor, which is inhabited thousands of IDP’s who fled from Mogadishu violence and the famine.

To make matters even worse, this latest influx comes when the Somali TFG (Transitional Federal Government) evicted thousands of squatters from government -owned buildings in Mogadishu. Many had lived there for years and will definitely be competing with new arrivals for space to live in.

Nearing Afgooye, we passed through empty neighborhoods, in which only dogs and cats were visible hanging around in the vicinity. Two days ago, these areas were full of people who lived in host communities. I could see what looked like warplanes passing the sky above us. The situation was eerie, and every one of us wanted to get out of that scene as quickly as possible.

It is now around 2:30 in the morning, and I can hear heavy barrages of artillery gunfire in the distance as I type. It seems to me that some of the salvoes are hitting hard, very close to the Ceelasha. Darkness has fallen across the land as everyone has their electric generators switched off, for security reasons. Flashes from heavy explosions can be seen on the horizon towards Ceelasha.  My thoughts and prayers are to those who are spending the night in the areas under the heavy bombardment.

I sometimes close my eyes and ask myself “why us? Why are we – Somalis – going through this endless nightmare for the last two decades? what if I would have been born in Saudi Arabia or in United Arab Emirates, and lived there all through! What if the Siad Barre regime would have been in power and maintained peace and stability across the country. What if… What if…”

The shelling in the distance has gradually subsided and my laptop battery is coming to its lowest ebb. I know that local radio stations in Mogadishu will air the causalities of shelling and, as usual, “all of them were civilians” will be their last phrase after revealing the number of dead and wounded!  Then tomorrow will come and I shall be telling you the same story of agony and atrocity again.”

In a few days, on February 23 the British government will host a meeting on Somalia in London. UK Foreign Secretary William Hague called the conference a “moment of opportunity.” The conference will look at various issues affecting Somalia from terrorism, the political system, piracy and the humanitarian situation. Ch16 will be publishing blogs from various actors and Somali bloggers.

By Abdullahi Jamaa

MOMBASA: When Kenya Defense Forces (KDF) embarked on Operation Linda Nchi against Somalia’s Islamist Alshabab in October last year, Kenyan civilians and authorities weren’t sure what to expect. But the way Kenyan forces crossed the porous-ragged border to battle dreaded Alshabab was seen as heroic. Kenya says this operation will go on until conflict-ravaged southern Somalia is secured and the terror organization that uses the area to launch attacks eliminated.

Yet five months into the military venture, KDF is still promising to overrun the strongholds of Alshabaab but in vain. This is the battle that will test Kenya’s military, which has not been at war for many decades.

The battle for the port city of Kismayu – the reportedly centre of actions- will be an acid test for Kenya’s military. The inexperienced Kenyan troops may be afraid of their own shadows given the complexity of fighting with a guerilla group. The clash therefore illustrates the difficulty in fighting conventional warfare against an unconventional enemy.

The Kenya military gains in southern Somalia are so far minor and it is unclear how long the Kenyan troops can hold onto where some progress against the Islamists has been made. On their part, the militants are likely to escalate the war by mounting successful attacks to defend their strongholds like the surrounding of Kismayu.

Although Kenya prides itself for being the powerhouse in the East African region, the fact of the matter is that the huge cost of the current war will leave its budget balance sheet in limbo. Its military incursion is a warfare that will obviously worsen the devastating security situation of the entire Horn of Africa region.

Sending troops to a chaotic conflict zone will have a profound impact especially to the famine-affected Somalis. The ongoing incursion will most likely fail in Somalia where the situation requires a distinct approach than that of military engagement.

Every caution in dealing with Somalia was disregarded in Kenya’s rush for vengeance. A great surge of security eagerness seemed to overwhelm Nairobi. Kenya would have stood up with a peace vigil that says “No war but peace” but unfortunately they could be now at a point of no return.

It is not only because Kenya’s military policy is mistaken, but there are also important questions that are unanswered about the conflict: How would Kenya prevent inflicting harm on a Somali civilian population that has seen it all before? Is Kenya becoming a puppet nation that serves its interest and that of its allies at the expense of solving the problem of its troubled neighghbour?

Kenya needs to carefully balance a combat operation that can destroy the ranks and files of Alshabab and also pursue actions to gain the confidence of Somali civilian population and the region at large. Enduring the enigma of war will test the tenacity of the KDF. Security commentators say Kenya may be forced to withdraw even before it captures Kismayu.

The International Crisis Group for instance describes the decision by Kenya to deploy thousands of troops in Somalia’s Juba Valley to wage war on Alshabab as the “biggest security gamble the East African nation has taken since independence.”

“The potential for getting bogged down is high; the risks of an Al-Shabaab retaliatory terror campaigns are real; and the prospects for a viable, extremist-free and stable polity emerging in the Juba Valley are slim” read part of report released by the group this week.

Part of the problem that will result in largely unsatisfactory results is Kenya’s lack of experience in direct military combats. Since the infamous Shifta menace in 1960s when Somali secessionists in the North Eastern enclave waged a guerrilla war against the then Jomo Kenyatta administration, Kenya has never gone into a full-blown war. Lack of historical military experience haunts the Kibaki administration in dealing with the insurgency group who may not give in easily.

The Kenyan Cabinet recently approved that its military in Somalia should move to operate under the African Union peacekeeping mission in Somalia (AMISOM). Although the Kenyan parliament is yet to approve the cabinet decision, it is highly envisaged that joining AMISOM will help Kenya with the budget for the war that it cannot sustain.

Pursuing Alshabaab without adequate regional and international backing means a lot of undesirable military results. It is not a bolt from the blue to witness something similar to the infamous Black Hawk Down, the historical tragedy that left Kenya’s mentor the United States to withdraw from Mogadishu in 1993.

The strategy to join AMISOM represents a compromise reflecting the urgent need to move forward. KDF is already running into domestic and international criticism since the promised battle to takeover Kismayu is seemingly taking longer than anticipated.

Under AMISOM strategy any withdrawal from Somalia would only follow a command agreement from the headquarters of AU, protecting Kenya from any humiliating withdrawal. In any case surviving the current battle against Alshabab needs a lot more effort beyond joining AMISOM including military and financial contribution from allied nations and additional troops.

AMISOM prides itself with the recent pacification of Mogadishu although it has taken the force a lot of deaths especially on the Burundi side. It would be fair to reckon that the current contingent of AMISOM is far much better than the US led UNOSOM of early 90s.

Among other things, AMISOM was set up to facilitate humanitarian aid to people trapped by civil war and famine but due to its ineffective few thousands force it has since failed to cushion the effect of the conflict from civilians. The addition of a few thousand Kenyan force won’t aid in solving the insecurity nightmare it would only inherit resentment as a frontline line state with vested interests in Somalia.

Nonetheless the ongoing war may be Kenya’s best-case scenario given the bottomless insecurity it inherited from its troubled neighbor. At this stage of the game is still open. For now we will wait to see what the London conference, where Kenya government officials will participate, will put as a way forward for Kenya’s engagement.

Abdullahi Jamaa blogs on mostly on Somali culture and religion at OnSomalis

KHARTOUM: Hundreds of University of Khartoum students were beaten with batons, forced out of the dorms into police trucks and detained at 4 a.m today following a raid on the dorms. I received a message from a student activist and student from the dorm at 9 a.m. telling me that he was arrested and is kept at the Souq Mahali police station in Khartoum with friends. Between 350-450 students were arrested in the wee hours of the morning.

Volunteer lawyers and activists are currently working on securing their releasing students on bail. Students could face charges ranging from “causing public nuisance” and “disturbing public safety” which they could be made to face in court. A lawyer has said that some students were released on bail, but it is still unclear whether they are able to go back to the dorms.

The Sudan government has been cracking down on activism on the university for a while.  On 22 December 2011, at least 700 students from the University of Khartoum marched on a solidarity protest with Manasir students to protest the lack of action on the Manasir cause. The Manasir, an ethnic group from Northern Sudan, has engaged in a sit-in strike, 300 km from Khartoum since November 2011 to protest their displacement as a result of the Merowe Dam and the lack of compensation.

Peaceful student protestors faced a heavy crackdown from the police forces. At least 70 students were arrested as a result and dorms were vandalized and raided by police forces on that same day.

On Sunday, 25th of December 2011, Khartoum University students began a week-long protest and sit-in that attracted anywhere between 10,000 to 16,000 students to protest police brutality, the administration’s position on the police forces entering the campus and arresting students and they also demanded that students are compensated for loses.

The sit-in was organized and attracted a lot of support from students who united on a common cause. However, on Thursday the 29th of December, the university administration announced that it would suspend studies until further notice.

Consequently the authorities closed down the university and arrested student activists such as Taj Al Sir Gaafar and Muhammed Idris Jeddo on 30 December 2011. The students remain in detention. The University of Khartoum was instrumental in the 1964 and the 1985 revolutions in Sudan.

There has been shrinking space for freedom of expression since Arab Spring uprisings in neighbouring North African nations began in late 2010.  The government of Sudan has tightened the noose on youth and opposition groups that are calling for change as well as cracked down on independent media. Since July 2011, 8 newspapers have been suspended by the security forces. Many opposition parties have members in detention.

Since early 2011 when the Arab Spring began, opposition groups have publicly called for regime-change as the only way forward for Sudan. President Bashir who heads the current ruling party, the National Congress Party, came to power in 1989 after staging a military coup and overthrowing a democratically-elected government. Since then, Sudan has been embroiled in violent conflicts.

The Manasir strike is one of the grievances that are uniting the Sudanese populace in their search fro reform.

Reem Abbas is a Sudanese freelance journalist and blogger at Wholeheartedlysudaniya

The National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) today made a raid on University of Khartoum and arrested hundreds of students.  Reports put the number of arrested students between 400-500. Security forces stormed students’ residencies at 4am and took students various police stations in the capital Khartoum. Sudanese took to twitter to report updates on the detention as well organize for safety of any students released.

@S_Elwardany posted: Khartoum University protest started on Dec 22, 700 students protesting in support of people displaced by Merowe Dam #Sudan #UofKraid. The post also showed that the Khartoum University protest started on Dec 22 when 700 students protested in support of people displaced by Merowe Dam.

Maha El-Sanosi , a Sudanese blogger posted that Most of #UofK students living in dorms are from various Sudanese states & have no family in Khartoum hence no accommodation other than dorms. Sudanese on twitter reported that the police had used excessive violence, metal rods and batons in beating students and confiscating all their belongings.

Usamah M said the raid could have been a proactive move to prevent a planned Sunday sit-in strike that the students have announced.

@Sudanchangenow , an umbrella of various youth movement in Sudan issued a statement condemning the raid.

The National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) has over the last months been involved in arrest and torture of youth activists from the popular groups like Girifna (We are Fed Up) and Youth for Change who are pushing for reforms.

Mimz latest blog calls on Sudan government to free Alim, a Sudanese youth who was arrested in December 2011 after speaking at an event at University of Khartoum.

Bashir’s government has tightened the noose on freedom of expression, as calls for regime change get louder. Last few weeks, Ch16 has followed up on the crackdown on dissent by Al Bashir’s government.

Read more: Sudan continues crackdown on voices of dissent

Youth groups pressure Sudan government over rape and torture

Magdalena Ehisa Tito, an elegant and extremely polite woman welcomed us into her home. The 52 year- old, the only traditional chief in the whole of South Sudan has become a role model for the women of Torit, Eastern Equatoria State. Chief Magdalena was born on November 25, 1959 in Torit and she went primary school at the age of 10 years. She started to work in 1977 as a veterinary assistant to the present Minister of Agriculture, Betty Ogwaro. At eh age of 19, Tito got married, much later than most of her peers. At the time most girls were married off by the age of 12.

Her marriage was not one many people would relate to today. Magdalena was first abducted and the abduction led into a marriage as was the practice at that time. “In our tradition when a man likes a woman, she will steal her either on her way to school or while going to fetch firewood. Once this is done, the family of the girl is informed and the marriage is arranged,” Magdalena explained.

Even today early marriage remains a challenge for girls in post conflict South Sudan, preventing their enrolment, retention and completion of their education.

Magdalena had two sons but later divorced when her husband failed to pay bride price just one cattle to her family. The divorce was solely on basis of non-payment of dowry and Tito received her divorce papers in 1983.

Her desire to serve her community moved Chief Magdalena to join the police in 1992 where she graduated in 1996. Thereafter the police authorities sent her to train as a midwife. She said she was motivated to join the force because she wanted to contribute to keeping law and order in the South of Sudan. Though the training in the police college was tough, Magdalena was fit enough to carry out all the training schemes. It was during her time as at the police training that the Khartoum government of Sudan changed the education curriculum from English to Arabic.

Chief Magdalena says this move came together with a series of other policies that made life difficult for the people of Southern Sudan, including the children, who had to automatically convert to learning in a new language.  Chief Magdalena took part in the struggle for South Sudanese independence. She narrates stories of how she worked alongside other members of the Southern Sudan liberation movement to smuggle children to East Africa countries where they could study in english in defiance of the ‘Arabisation’ of South Sudanese people.

Her contribution led to Sudan Peoples liberation Movement (SPLM) to recognise her as a leader for her community. True to their promise, when time came to nominate a Traditional Chief in Torit, she was nominated with other men who she beat in elections held in 2004 to become the first female traditional Chief in South Sudan.  This position not following a certain lineage would pause challenges to Magdalena as a woman leader. The Traditional Chiefdoms are male dominated and Magdalena wasn’t sure she would be accepted. But many recognised her community service and in 2008, Magdalena was elected the Paramount Chief, leading 396 male chiefs in Eastern Equatoria State.

Chief Magdalena explained that culture and tradition is not favourable to women. “Traditionally, men and boys provide security for the animals (mostly cattle) while women perform domestic work such as providing food, cultivating, building houses and taking care of the children,” she says. “ Despite the huge responsibility the women have no say at home, including making a choice of a husband.”

Chief Magdalena says this has led to many failed marriages and most times men abandon their wives and take on several other women, leaving a huge burden for women in terms of raising children. Chief Magdalena notes that this abandonment has led to some women resorting to alcoholism. She also says many women suffer domestic violence where their husbands and in-laws beat them.

For instance a woman caught committing adultery is arrested and sent to prison and she notes that some men take advantage of this to accuse their wives falsely to earn them punishment by the Customary court.

War and changed gender roles

After the war, Chief Magdalena says, men returned and found the women had taken up some of their roles.  “the men became lazy, most times they go out drinking and only return at night,” she narrated, “ Those men who are employed are not very different from the unemployed; most of them don’t bring their salaries home for their families.”

The inability of men to take up their responsibilities has increased gender-based violence in the communities. Women in polygamous relationships suffer a lot of neglect from their spouse, and sometimes they seek for solace in the hands of other men, most times this results in arrest of such women.

Such cases are some of that make it to the chiefs in the area. Magdalena explains that most local Chiefs don’t understand or they do but fail to question the underlining cause and continue to sentence the women to spend six months in prison, while the men are left free.

The trauma from the long civil conflict resulted has been reflected in high levels of  in high alcohol consumption among both women and men, leading to couples abandoning household care unattended. Also men here can easily divorce their wives for irresponsible behaviour with support from the traditional institutions.

As a woman, Chief Magdalena counsels women to avoid drinking and be role models for their children and the youths. She believes the woman has the responsibility of keeping the family together and imparting good morals to the children and the community at large.

In the cases where men have abandoned their wives, Magdalena advocates for such women to be compensated instead of being left to suffer alone to take care of the children and the household needs. Even though the war is gone, most women of South Sudan still face the culture war that limits the engagement of women in public spaces as well the culture that doesn’t question and address violence against women.

For many women they war trauma and continued marginalisation and violence make it difficult for recovery even in the new independent state. The absence of central government and state programs means most of delivery of justice is shouldered by traditional leaders who most of the time support men. In Torit there is no single counselling centre for women and others who require psychosocial support. Magdalena calls on the Government of the Republic of South Sudan to ensure trauma healing is a component of the post conflict reconstruction process and also ensure rule of law and justice is brought to the ordinary citizens especially women

By Helen Kezie-Nwoha  is a Program Manager at Isis-Women’s International Cross-Cultural Exchange (Isis-WICCE). Isis-WICCE exists to promote justice and empowerment of women globally through documenting violations of women’s rights and facilitating the exchange of information.

By Anthony Kamba

WAU, SOUTH SUDAN:  The United Nations has called for cessation of hostilities and engaging in compromises in a bid to end recent post independence conflicts between Juba and Khartoum.

Last week former South African President and head of African Union Panel on Sudan, Thabo Mbeki told journalists in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa that the two Sudans had signed an agreement to cease aggression.Mbeki had called for the immediate secession of hostilities “including bombardments.”

A week didn’t pass; South Sudan government accused its northern neigbour of breaching the agreement. At a press briefing on Tuesday February 14, Majak D’Agoot, South Sudan’s deputy defence minister said that Khartoum’s forces have carried out attacks in Western Bahr el Ghazal and Unity states.

He described Khartoum’s actions as a “clear violation” of the African Union High-level Implementation Panel-brokered memorandum, signed in Addis Ababa last Friday. D’Agoot also claimed that an attack in Unity state took place on a South Sudan army post in Jau payam [district] of Pariang county.

South Sudan gained its independence in July 2011 after decades of civil war and many liberation wars. In June 2011, Khartoum and Juba signed agreement on the future arrangements on Abyei and oil but to date the arrangements have been progressed with the oil dispute still ripe and Abyei held unresolved.

When the agreement on transit fees for South Sudan’s oil was penned, South Sudan emerged accusing the Sudan of “stealing” her oil amounting to 815 Million Dollars. Juba says it is not likely moment to talk war but said its army was ready to defend any aggression from invading forces.

President Salva Kiir told the SPLA in a parade on return from Addis Ababa that just in case Sudan wants to strike Juba, they would meet them as far as Judat – a border point to the North in Upper Nile State of South Sudan. Sudan has been carrying out bombardment deep into South Sudan and has accused the south of supporting rebels currently fighting Khartoum in South Kordofan and Blue Nile state.

Thabo Mbeki, the AU Panel chief to the Addis Ababa negotiations told reporters that there is need for the two countries to “refrain from launching any attack, including bombardment”.

Civilians along the Sudan-South Sudan border have been faced these bombardments for months.  Recent bombardments hit a refugee camp in Upper Nile region of South Sudan and they were condemned by the UNHCR. Previous raids have been Western Bahr el Ghazal and Northern Bahr el Ghazal where dozens of civilians have been killed.

It remains to be seen what he two countries will finally agree on oil rich Abyie area which is highly contested by the two along with other four areas of Kafia Kenge and Hofrat Neshas in Western Bahr el Ghazal, Higlig also along the border. The other major two are the demarcation of a clear border of the two countries and oil.

When South Sudan was agreeing on the guarantee of a referendum for its citizens, a provision was also stated allowing Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile States to have a popular consultation on whether to go South or North. However this has stalled and the tow states have seen a bombing campaign for close to a year now.

It would be upon the new arrangements hoped to come out after talks resume in Addis Ababa to resolve the remaining issues. However, with the Sudan and South Sudan claiming ownership of Abyei, other issues might prove easier to resolve than the Abyei question.

A promised referendum could be the possibility that would resolve it amicably, however Khartoum has shown pessimism. It will take international pressure and actions to drive the two into a peaceful agreement if the possibility of renewed war is to be avoided.

Anthony Kamba is a South Sudanese journalist.

KAMPALA: Global arms deal negotiations resumed yesterday in New York amidst tensions in North Africa and Syria.  A robust Arms Trade Treaty would prevent more conflicts and stop escalation of the ongoing ones in Libya, Mali, DRC, Sudan, South Sudan, Horn of Africa and others.

The tragic impact of the unregulated arms trade is visible in long running rebellions on the Africa continent, which have left millions dead and other displaced and exiled. Armed violence has cost many African countries a chance to develop and improve their staggering human development indicators as well as targets like the Millennium development goals.

There’s urgent need for a strong Arms Trade Treaty, said a coalition of non-governmental organizations ahead of crucial talks in New York this week.

In the light of current events in countries like Syria where regimes have for months killed unarmed civilian population, a global deal on arms trade, the group says, would prevent irresponsible arms transfers.

Diplomats are meeting in New York this week for a final round of  UN preparatory talks on the global Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), which will be finally negotiated in July. There is currently no global regulation on the conventional arms trade, making it too easy for arms to end up in the hands of human rights abusers.

Jeff Abramson, Coordinator of the Control Arms Coalition said “a strong ATT with robust human rights criteria would make clear that arms transfers must not occur when there is a substantial risk of them being used to kill civilians and commit human rights abuses. The sale of any arms to Syria right now is simply appalling.”

This week’s meetings will focus largely on the rules of procedure for the July negotiations, including whether to take a text that countries have vigorously negotiated over the last two years or to start from scratch.

Some states such as Pakistan and China are now pushing to ignore the Chair’s text as a real basis of negotiations, and instead, begin drafting a complicated international legal agreement in a few days in July.

“States have a historic opportunity to help save lives and livelihoods by bringing the deadly arms trade under control,” added Abramson. “The recent case of Viktor Bout points to the reality that arms dealers have the luxury to operate in a legal vacuum and run their deadly trade with complete impunity. This must come to an end, and the process of the Arms Trade Treaty is our best way to tackle this problem.”

Troops loyal to Somali Transitional Federal Government in Somalia. Arms trade has continued despite the UN embargo.

In the past dealers have bust all arms embargoes put on most of Africa wars for the last two decades. Arms proliferation has made it easy for dissenters to resort to armed opposition in most countries on the African continent. This has had a huge impact on the advancement of democracy and rule of law.

More than 100 civil society participants from all continents will attend the talks as part of the Control Arms coalition, which was recently nominated for the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize. The delegation includes Nobel laureates, parliamentarians, armed violence survivors, lawyers, activists, policy experts and health professionals.

Lisa Rutherford
, Oxfam GB UK Campaigns Manager says the next few months represent an unprecedented opportunity to bring this deadly trade under control.

It is estimated that every minute one person dies as a result of armed conflict. Support the efforts to establish a global Arms Trade Treaty.

Follow talks on Twitter  #ARMSTREATY

Rosebell Kagumire  blogs at Rosebell’s Blog

Somalis say, the truth doesn’t make a man squirm. The truth here is that the international community has been dealing lethargically with the endless conflict that is ravaging humanity in failed Somalia state.

Since the ouster of former President Siad Barre in 1991, several ambitious attempts to rebuild Somalia were made but more than two decades later the search for the country’s pacification is as elusive as it was during the onset of the civil war.

London is now organising one more conference that aims to address the catalogue of challenges that continue to subvert the horn of Africa nation. This should bring the number of high-end forums to find peace in Somalia close to 20.

If I quote the words of Mr. John William Mathew Baugh, the newly appointed non-resident ambassador of United Kingdom to Somalia, London seeks to galvanize what it calls a more effective joint approach that aims to strengthen the crucial work of the Somali leadership, the United Nations, African Union and that of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).

This time round Britain’s involvement is so laudable given the very crisis that Somalia is experiencing including the impending expiry of the term of the beleaguered Transitional Federal Government of Somalia (TFG) in August this year. Galvanizing the support of international community regarding the frustrating Somali situation is what has been absent for all the years and it seems as though the community of nations have apparently realized their failure.

There has been lack of coordinated international initiative to back the stability of Mogadishu. Every block of governments and organizations has been working on a bent mission each pursuing their own interest.  The interests of AU in Somali, the UN, US, UK, Kenya and Ethiopia for instance have been different and confusing in a crisis that has troubled millions of citizens.

AMISOM troops on streets of Mogadishu.

From the schedule of the anticipated conference, it seems as though it dawned on world leaders that there is an urgent need to change the previous failed tactics to diffuse the situation, thus finding a common global approach for the conflict in Somalia will be a milestone and a remarkable achievement not only for Somalis but also for the community of nations.

Many of the previous white elephant forums have only left more of a blue print paper work than the needed actions. It is time for organizers of the London forum to understand that it has painstakingly taken Somalis so many years of trouble and vexation to get a comprehensive roadmap for peace.

Somalis have only known endless and toothless transitional governments whose mandates have always been expiring even before they put in place handful public services. In fact within 12 years, these forms have produced 3 Presidents and 9 Prime Ministers with no tangible results.

The TFG has not advanced to a legitimate institution despite international support owing largely to a lack of a well-defined vision, corrupt and self-centered individuals and its lack of receptiveness to societal needs.

It is very easy to explain the failure of the international community in many perspectives regarding the Somali crisis. According to a recent report, the world spent US$ 55 billion on Somalia since 1991. By all means this is a large amount of money that should have transformed Somalia from being a failed state to a stable one but the lack of unanimous approach has led  all these ventures to have unnoticeable results.

Many of the international involvements in Somalia are so much inadequately planned and implemented that they actually make the overall situation worse in the long run. For instance much of the US$ 55 billion aid was spent to counter terrorism and failed military approaches instead of building peace and preaching democracy.

Peace seems to have been a second agenda when it comes to solving the crisis.  The London conference is seeking to establish a joint financial management board to make sure sustainable funding for the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), and support for Somali security and justice sectors. This may mean little attention for peace building and reconciliation.

There has been an inherent bias against peace building, which beats any logic because ultimately that should be the right direction to move forward. In fact there is nothing to assure many that the London forum wont look like the previous pointless and embarrassing conferences where nothing is achieved at the end of the day.

While the upcoming conference may be seen as a paradigm shift by the partners of this troubled nation, emphasis should be on setting up a decentralized unitary government. Some experts say an indigenous reconciliation that includes the self-declared Republic of Somaliland and other semi-autonomous regions should be the best option.

While there’s a lot of talk also about the five-hour conference that may close its business before the end of routine introduction and handshaking, the reality is that there is a lot of opportunity for building relationships among Somali interests groups. Nonetheless this presents a fantastic opportunity to push an open door for peace and stability.

Some of Somalia’s political commentators describe the conference as an act of true generosity. For now it is a matter of crossed fingers just as Somalis live on a wing and prayer with a hope that the conference will come up with some golden resolutions that will finally lift the cloud of uncertainty and give way to a silver lining. A stable Somalia is the only way out and the question remains, will London deliver?

Abdullahi Jamaa is a journalist and blogs on Somali culture and religion at OnSomalis

Last January, as South Sudanese overwhelmingly voted for secession, what remained of Sudan was going through political and social transformation. There had been small-scale protests since the government of Omar Al Bashir, a military dictatorship, took over in June 1989 but January 2011 was different.

Not only did the 2011 protests call for change, they also encompassed a wider range issues affecting the Sudanese public.

When youth movements began emerging in 2011, they attracted the upper middle class, a section of society that had earlier distanced itself from the national issue and politics.

In December 2010, the Tunisian revolution took off and the government was overthrown, the following month calls on social media websites such as Facebook for change were getting louder in Sudan.  As the revolution was unfolding in Egypt,the calls for mass protests became heard.

The protests were led by youth groups, notably Girifna (We are Fed Up) and Youth for Change (known as Sharara). Girifna was founded in late 2009 and was mobilizing the public against the ruling party before and during the Sudanese elections in April 2010.

It was founded by students and young activists who were fed-up with the government and wanted change. From day one, Girifna called for the overthrow of the Sudanese government through peaceful and non-violence means.  The group communicates at the grass root level through public debates and events and also in the virtual world through its Facebook groups, twitter, Youtube channels and a regularly updated website.

Youth for Change (also known as Sharara) began in 2010 and has gained popularity through its heavy online presence and organizing the January 2011 protests known as the “2011 revolution protests”.

One of their Facebook events for the protest managed to attract over 10,000 youth.

H.K, a young university student joined the Jan 30 protest.

“I took food and clothes with me in a bag and put them in the trunk of my car, I was prepared to stay the night, we wanted it to become a Tahrir square,” said H.K

There were ongoing changes on the meeting points as organizers chose streets instead of a big square like Jackson square which made protestors an easier target as police forces surrounded them and blocked side streets. Amnesty international said that at least 150 protestors were arrested.

Many youth were detained for a few days to about two weeks. Some reported torture and even sexual assault at the custody of the police forces.

A young activist arrested in Khartoum North in January 2011 reported beatings, electrocutions, sleep deprivation and other horrendous forms of torture. He was kept there for nearly 50 days and came out with a chronic back injury and complaints about his knees.

In mid-February as other protests were taking place in Khartoum and its twin cities, Safia Ishaq, a young female activist affiliated with Girifna was kidnapped by a number of men and taken to one of the security services premises.

In a case that has received public outcry, Ishaq released a testimony that was published in late February last year. She states that she was gang-rapped by three security men who also beat her, insulted her and later dumped her on the side of a road.

She recorded a video where she told her story and subsequently became the first Sudanese woman to publicly come out and speak about sexual assault by the Security organ. The video has attracted over 100,000 views so far. After the incident, Ishaq had to flee Sudan as the security service was looking for her for speaking out against the sexual assault.

Girifna continue to raise the issue of rape of Ishaq and call for justice for all sexual violence that has been committed by Sudanese security forces against many Sudanese women.

“A year ago, a young Sudanese woman was violated and many more women were silenced through fear of sexual assault. Many people stood by her side and continue to face consequences for that,” read a statement from the the group, “we will never forget Safia. We will continue to peacefully resist the current regime and after Sudan’s revolution, we will push for a fair investigation and hold her rapists accountable”

Girifna has also petitioned the government of Sudan over detentions of activists affiliated to their group. Most youth activists are being held incommunicado for weeks and in some cases months.

In January 2012, at least 10 activists from Girifna and Youth for Change were arrested and detained from a few days to up to two weeks. Other students and youth activists such as Taj Al Sir Gaafar, Muhammed Idris Jeddo and Ibrahim Majzoub remain in detention since December 2011.

Reem Abbas is a Sudanese freelance journalist and  she bloggs at Wholeheartedlysudaniya

DAKAR, 10 February 2012 (IRIN) – While it is clear that Senegal was one of the eight Sahelian countries to be hit by poor rains in 2011, unlike most of its neighbours, the government has not yet declared that parts of certain regions are suffering drought conditions. This low-profile approach is slowing down donor and aid agencies’ preparations and responses to help pastoralists and farmers get through the lean season.

Some 10 million people across the Sahel are expected to face food insecurity this year, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

“The government is aware that there are pockets of drought, but unfortunately because of elections they are not doing enough about it,” said Abdou Aziz Diallo, president of the Senegalese Red Cross in Dakar. “The elections make the whole response sensitive – we’re a bit blocked.”

Presidential elections, which have been immersed in controversy as to whether or not it is constitutionally legal for incumbent President Abdoulaye Wade to run for a third term, are planned for 26 February.

Some 850,000 people are, or will imminently be, food-insecure in Senegal with the lowland northeast agro-pastoral and central pastoral zones most affected, according to a joint assessment by the government National Council of Rural Executives (CNCR), the UN Food and Agriculture Organization, the UN World Food Programme, the Senegalese Red Cross and NGOs.

Some 21 departments (out of 45) in six of the country’s 14 regions have been severely affected and are in need of immediate help, according to the assessment.

Global acute malnutrition rates – the total level of acute malnutrition among under-fives – ranges from 10 to 14 percent in the departments of Matam, Diourbel, Kolda, Louga, St Louis and Thiès departments, with Matam’s 14 percent rate just shy of the World Health Organization’s 15 percent emergency threshold, according to yet-to-be official results of a government assessment (from the Food Security, Nutrition and Child Survival Department) sponsored by the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF).

Government position

Mamadou Fall Diop at the government’s Civil Protection Unit told IRIN the government will make a statement on the situation, and invite international groups to act “soon” but said he doubted this would occur before the elections, as everyone is focused elsewhere.

In 2008 the government announced an ambitious agricultural self-sufficiency programme, GOANA, and it is difficult – and potentially politically risky – for some in the government to admit to widespread food insecurity just two years later, said the Red Cross’s Diallo.

While rains were the leading cause of poor harvests, in 2011 distribution of seeds and fertilizers to farmers as part of the GOANA scheme came late, “causing problems”, added an agricultural analyst.

However, the government is starting to mobilize – just quietly, said Doctor Mbayadian, director of nutrition at the Ministry of Health in Dakar, noting: “The elections make it sensitive to expose our work.” The Ministry of Health is starting to train health clinic staff in Matam and Diourbel (in the northeast and centre-west respectively) in how to treat malnourished children, while UNICEF is providing the therapeutic food required.

Read full report here

By Rosebell Kagumire

Sexualized violence is being used to devastate women and tear apart communities around the world, conflict by conflict, from Libya to the Democratic Republic of Congo. Women’s Media Center has launched a new project, Women Under Siege, to send the message to the press, and the world, that “we can make the unspeakable visible and comprehensible, and in doing so, start to bring about an end to a violent epidemic that women suffer globally.”

Created by Gloria Steinem, a co-founder of the Women’s Media Center, and with a pioneering grant from activist and philanthropist Bonnie Schaefer, Women Under Siege breaks down how rape and other forms of sexualized violence are used as tools in genocide and conflict throughout the 20th century and into the 21st. This project works from the belief that understanding what has happened from the Holocaust onward might have helped us to prevent or prepare for the mass sexual assaults of other conflicts.

“Documenting the problem allows individual victims to know they’re not alone or at fault, and allows the institutions of society to create remedies, from laws to education,” says Steinem. “By making clear that sexualized violence is political and public, it admits that sexualized violence can be changed.”

With blog entries from women who have experienced violence or covered it,  Women Under Siege has created a space for writers, photographers, and survivors to share their work in the field.

The site includes analyses of how sexualized violence has been used as a tool of war—whether to humiliate, to ethnically cleanse, to retaliate, and so on—and provides testimonies of victims in the Holocaust, Bangladesh, Bosnia, Rwanda, Darfur, Democratic Republic of Congo, Libya, and Egypt.

“Women Under Siege brings important voices to the issue of sexualized violence in conflict that can reach the press and public in profound ways,” says Julie Burton, president of the Women’s Media Center. “By clarifying how women’s bodies have become targets and casualties of war, the media can speak to one of the most crucial issues of our time in a more informed way.”

Both the World Health Organization and the UN Security Council have recognized that there is a lack of research on sexualized violence in conflict, while there is increasing demand for better analysis in order to work toward prevention and healing.

The Women’s Media Center was founded by Jane Fonda, Robin Morgan, and Gloria Steinem to make women and girls visible and powerful in the media. This is accomplished by promoting women as subjects and decision-makers within the media, training women and girls so they are media-ready and media–savvy, monitoring and exposing sexism in the media, and creating innovative new media and original content. The Women’s Media Center is directly engaged with the media at all levels to ensure that a diverse group of women are present in the newsrooms, on air, in print and online, as sources and subjects.

By Sarah O’Malley

Despite the signing of a peace accord in 2003, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) remains a country afflicted by violence. The levels of sexual and non-sexual violence faced by women as a result of the ongoing conflict led to it being named the second most dangerous place in the world to be a woman by a TrustLaw Poll last year.

The plight of women in DRC receives scant coverage in mainstream western media, but it is essential that their struggle remains a priority for the international community. Statistics suggest that 1,152 women are raped every day in DRC, and that most of these rapes are committed by uniformed men. The most recent report by the Secretary General of the UN project in DRC reports that the frequency of human rights violations remains high, and that levels of sexual violence are a concern. Perhaps even more shocking is the fact that an increasing number of rapes are being carried out against minors. One incident highlighted in the report is that of a four day attack in the Walikale Territory of North Kivu, in which 387 civilians were raped, 64 of them children.

A lot of the women and girls subjected to these attacks fall pregnant; many of them are infected with HIV. A report by Doctors Without Borders stated that only 1% of pregnant women with HIV are receiving antiretroviral drugs in DRC. One of the major reasons for the lack of treatment available is cited as the withdrawal of international donor support. The immediate and sustained suffering of women affected by ongoing violence in DRC is far from being resolved, and further work must be done to ensure their situation changes and the international community does not forget them.

These women have shown immense courage and bravery in living through the abuses they have suffered, and continuing to strive for peace and equality, but we need to stand alongside them and make sure their voices are heard. This is where Women for Women International’s Join me on the Bridge campaign comes in.

The campaign began in 2010 when women from our programmes in DRC and Rwanda came together on the bridge that joins their two countries, to show that they could build bridges of peace and hope for the future. This sparked a global movement, with women from 70 countries joining on 464 bridges around the world last year to show their support and solidarity with women from war afflicted countries. This year we want you to join us, and lend your voice to the cry for an end to violence and a beginning of peace and equality for women worldwide.

There are many ways you can get involved, whether it be attending an event, organising your own or sending us a message of peace to share with the women we work with in war-torn countries like DRC. Take a look at our short campaign video and be inspired to do something that can make a real difference to these women’s lives.

By Sarah O’Malley works with Women for Women International

Unrest broke out after 73 people died and more than 1000 were injured after violent clashes broke out at the end of a soccer match in Port Said last week between Cairo based Club Al-Ahly and local club Al-Masry. Egypt’s Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, the head of the country’s ruling military council, ordered two helicopters be sent to Port Said to transfer the injured to military hospitals.

Another soccer match in Cairo was interrupted following the news of the deaths in Port Said, and fans angered by the news the stadium on fire. No injuries were reported in Cairo, and the fire was put out before it caused more damage.

Sticks and rocks were used and some other people wielded sharp objects. A six year-old-boy was reported missing and the dead body of Annas Mohie El-Din, a 14-year-old boy, was found Thursday morning. According to Ministry of Health, concussions; deep head wounds and suffocation caused most of injuries and deaths from the stampede, and about 40 people were in serious conditions and undergoing surgery. At least two players suffered light injuries.

The two soccer teams, al-Masry and Al Ahli, have a history of fierce rivalry. The violent clashes, which erupted Wednesday February 1, were the deadliest incident in soccer violence history since 1996 when at least 78 people died and 180 others were injured in a stampede at a stadium in Guatemala City before a World Cup qualifying match between Guatemala and Costa Rica.

The army announced three days of national mourning. Egypt internationals and Al Ahli players Mohammad Abu Treika, Emad Moteab and Mohammad Barakat announced retirement along with other players following the tragedy. The manager of Al-Masry, Kamal Abu Ali told his club’s television channel as he announced his resignation in protest to violence. The national soccer teams in Kenya and Botswana national soccer teams have declined to play friendly matches against the Egyptian team.

Egyptians spent the last few days in tears and anger, politicians and lawmakers blamed the country’s military rulers for the police inaction in the soccer violence that broke out at the end of a soccer match in Port Said on Wednesday. The bloody events took place on the first anniversary of what has been called “Battle of the Camel”, in which government supporters and thugs attacked demonstrators on camels and horses with batons and rocks during the revolution that toppled President Hosni Mubarak.

The tragic event took place after a series of bank robberies, abduction and armed attacks on police stations. It was a bloody reminder of the security vacuum that has lasted since the revolution, the police force has basically disappeared from the street and they have stood in lines doing nothing to protect people as riots were on. After the removal of Mubarak, Egypt has become a city void of any security in which crime has increased and armed gangs and drug dealers are taking advantage of the unrest and security vacuum. Paid thugs roam the different cities of Egypt looting and kidnapping girls and elders for ransom money.

Parliament convened an emergency session Thursday morning, which was attended by both Prime Minister Kamal El-Ganzouri and Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim, and ordered an investigation into the pitch invasion and held Egypt’s ruling military council responsible for violence. The Muslim Brotherhood, the country’s largest political force, accused thugs of the defunct National Democratic and supporters of ousted Mubarak of instigating the violence and referred to recent robberies and acts of vandalism as schemes to enable the SCAF to continue implementing the Emergency Law.

The Muslim Brotherhood and Parliament’s position made headlines in the weeks newspapers and Egyptian talk shows as they blamed the interior ministry for the security failure, calling for his (minister’s) dismissal and that of Egypt’s public prosecutor. Essam el-Erian, a senior member of the Muslim Brotherhood bloc that leads Parliament, presented the signatures of 120 lawmakers who demanded that charges be filed against the interior minister, and Parliament assigned a panel to question him.

The session concluded with a decision to dispatch a parliamentary fact-finding committee to investigate Wednesday’s Port Said violence. The committee is expected to present its final report on the incident to parliament within one week.

For the past few days thousands of people have been demonstrating in cities across Egypt calling for immediate transfer of power to civilians and speedy trial for Mubarak and his supporters. Young men blocked roads near the state television building and the capital’s landmark Tahrir Square, and a crowd gathered at Cairo’s main rail station waiting to see their relatives returning from Port Said. Angry crowd chanted: “We will secure their rights, or die like them,” they said as covered bodies were unloaded from the trains.

There has been also been continuous violence and clashes between police forces and protesters in Cairo, Alexandria, Suez, Minya and dozens of injuries were reported on both sides over the past few days.  Tear gas and fireworks were traded heavily between security forces and protesters particularly in Cairo and Alexandria

Whereas the Police have been struggling lately in battles with protesters, the majority of Egyptian intellectuals have been trying to calm protesters through Egyptian talk shows and call them to get out of the current mess through constructive action, rather than seeking revenge and spreading chaos. There is an obvious division between public opinion as many people, particularly working-class Egyptians facing grim economic prospects, have increasingly seen the protests and even the political class in general, as the cause of trouble and chaos.

Yasmine Mahmoud Fakhry is a Human Rights Educator at Alexandria University

HARGEISA, 7 February 2012 (IRIN) – More than two decades after it unilaterally asserted its independence from the rest of Somalia, Somaliland plans to lobby hard at a major conference in London in February for something it has sorely lacked since its inception: international recognition of its sovereignty.
“Somaliland will attend because 44 nations will be there and those are the ones we need to lobby and explain why Somaliland should be recognized; we see it as an opportunity,” Abdillahi Jama Geeljire, Somaliland’s Minister of Fisheries and Ports, said.
The London Conference, hosted by the UK government, is expected to bring together “senior representatives from over 40 governments and multi-lateral organizations… with the aim of delivering a new international approach to Somalia”, according to a statement posted on the website of the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

Geeljire said: “Somaliland was invited on equal terms with those nations that will participate; it is a golden opportunity for our country and will give us the exposure we need to present our case. It will provide Somaliland with the opportunity to share with our Somali brothers our experience and how we achieved the peace and stability we enjoy today and they are searching for.”

The larger Somalia has been embroiled in conflict since 1991 and has not had a functioning central government since then. One of the aims of the conference is to help pave the way for a permanent administration to replace the transitional one whose mandate expires in August.

The meeting’s agenda, which does not include the question of Somaliland’s sovereignty, covers issues such as root causes of Somalia’s conflicts, counter-terrorism, piracy and humanitarian coordination.

Mixed reactions

Somaliland’s attendance required overturning a legal ban on participating in such international meetings. During a 5 February joint session of the bicameral parliament in Hargeisa, 101 legislators approved the change, with just three voting against it.

“It is a mistake and we should not be there [at the London Conference],” said Ahmedyassin Sheikh Ali, one of the MPs.

Ali said Somaliland had thrived in the past 20 years “because we stayed away from those conferences [about Somalia] and we should have done the same this time around”.

Read full report here

According to Amnesty International female genital mutilation is the removal of part or all of the external female genitalia. “In its most severe form, a woman or girl has all of her genitalia removed and then stitched together, leaving a small opening for intercourse and menstruation.”

FGM is still practiced in 28 African countries on the pretext of cultural tradition or hygiene. An estimated 135 million girls have undergone FGM with dire consequences ranging from infection (including HIV) to sterility, in addition to the devastating psychological effects according to Amnesty International. Though all the governments of the countries in which FGM is practiced have legislation making it illegal, the complete lack of enforcement and prosecution of the perpetrators means FGM continues to thrive.

Ethiopia is one of the countries where FGM is rampant. Below is a piece written for Ch16 by Helen Yosef

I read an online report that in Ethiopia, the attitude of women who consider Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (FGM/C) acceptable dropped from 60 % in 2000 to 31% in 2005.  This is such a progress in making people change their mind – that must be the result of all the radio dramas, the dance events, countless meetings and workshops and most importantly – local and international campaigns. I am a communications person, and I believe in the effectiveness of most of the methods we use to bring about behavioral change.

I was an English teacher at the beginning of my career. I don’t know if the textbook still exists (text books change so frequently in my country, we lose track), but it had a part on Harmful Traditional Practices, that I dreaded to cover. That is how they raised me but here I was, in front of my over 80 eighth graders getting ready to discuss mostly FGM. What a day!!

I read about FGM, I watched Television programs, and was sure I was ready for the class.  But I also asked a colleague, who teaches biology if he could help, incase it goes out of control. So, we went through the passage and all went perfect. As I was finalizing there came the unexpected question from my tiny student who always spoke his mind.

He asked “But teacher, they say uncircumcised women break household utensils, is that true?”  I was not ready for that. My weekly lesson plan did not include that as an expected challenge. I was quiet for a while, trying to compose my thought. I had heard that some people defended FGM saying ‘un-cut’ girls break utensils because they are constantly distracted, thinking about boys. So they had reasoned that the more you ‘trim’ your girl’s labia the better because she will be able to do house chores focused. I knew this was nothing more than a myth, just one of the justifications to hold onto a culture that violates a woman. I made sure not to leave the class without letting my students realize the total lack of connection between the two, and how we use myth and culture as excuses to suppress. This made me realize just how difficult it would be to uproot such held beliefs. I read more about FGM/C about different types of cuttings practiced.

About 12 years after that student asked the question, there has been more change in Ethiopia regarding the issue especially on awareness.

Being quite a religious nation, the religious leaders in Ethiopia have been part of the larger efforts to tell people that there’s no religious justification whatsoever to practice FGM/C. More women now truly understand the consequences of the practice and its life long health problems like bleeding, childbirth complication and that FGM has contributed a lot to the high rate of new born death. Men are becoming more involved in the fight, and more are concerned about the over all situation of the practice. They lead rallies, with placards declaring FGM wrong; inhumane but change in behavior is a tricky concept. The overall situation is not as shiny as we all would want it to be.

In Ethiopia, FGM/C is practiced almost in all regions with varying prevalence. It is almost universal practice in the Somali regions, Afar, Dire Dawa, Oromia and Harari where more than 80% of girls and women are cut. Some ethnic groups especially in the south of the country do not practice FGM/C at all.

According to the 2005 Ethiopian Demographic and Health Survey, there was a demonstrated decline of the practice from 80% in the year 2000 to 74% in 2005. The survey further indicated that the practice is prevalent among women with no education or in the lowest wealth bracket and more rural than urban. Another survey done by ‘Ye Ethiopia Goji Limadawi Dirgitoch Aswogaj Mahiber’ formerly known as National Committee on Traditional Practices of Ethiopia also reveled that there is a progress in the overall reduction in the practice of FGM/C over the ten years between the 1997 Baseline Study.  The 2007 Follow Up Survey showed a decreased from 73% to 61%.

The UNICEF Ethiopia Communications Chief Dr. Kerida McDonald once talked about the gloomy picture at meeting that, “we will not see the elimination of FGM in Ethiopia until 2080. At this rate none of us in this room, and few of our children born today, will live to see the abandonment of FGM during our life time.”

Map of Africa showing the approximate prevalence of Female Genital Mutilation. Original Author Afrol News

There are campaigns and I am not against any measure used as an addition to the effort to curb the problem and bring the issue into light but my question has always been are we really dealing with the real issue or we are rather spending time and money on treating the symptom? Yes, we are making the society aware of the issue, yes we do our best in trying to redefine what modesty and femininity is for the society and –those who are engaged in the practice have heard us by the way. We have a constitution stating “women have the right to protection by the state from harmful customs. Laws and practices that oppress them and cause bodily or mental harm to them are prohibited”. We even ratified all relevant international conventions. We say it every now and then that we don’t have the time to tolerate such a cruel act! Yes, we have made it thus far!

We have made some shifts on tackling ancient beliefs surrounding women’s fertility or the common reason given for the practice such as to reduce the sexual desire of girls and women or the promotion of virginity and chastity.

The practice of FGM/C persists, I believe because of  the fear of the future. Mothers who stand to witness the cutting of their daughters have been through it. One should be joking to say they forget how painful it is. But these women do make their daughters go through the same cruelty because they want the best for their daughters. It is not only the marginalization the mothers are scared of but also they want to fall well in the ‘right’ definition of womanhood. To these mothers, they are trying to address the future of their child even when keeping up with the harmful tradition and this cannot change unless we change what this woman and society thinks is the better future of the girl child.

Unless humanitarian and national interventions are geared towards addressing the root of the cause by empowering the woman not only to understand the problem but also act up on it, by sending them to school and making them earn their own income, all the effort not even laws can easily save these girls.

We have already realized and analyzed the impact of FGM but also how devastating it is for those who might choose not to go through it.  We should assure those mothers that they are raising girls who can grow into able citizens by availing equal opportunities. Channeling some of the fund spent on the campaigns into a sort of system that empowers the women to upgrade their status is crucial. Without changing that and fighting the systematic ways in which patriarchy plays in our society from the core, I don’t think we are destined to eliminate the practice any time soon.

Women empowerment must be priority rather than spend millions of money in the name of campaigns that don’t reach the grassroots.

In the basement of once notorious Ghazi National Olympic Stadium of Afghanistan is where the Afghan national team of female boxers train tirelessly hard for the Olympics 2012 in London.

Once known as the stadium of death the venue was used for holding public executions and stoning under the brutal Taliban rule from 1996 to 2001. Under the Taliban women were completely forbidden from participating in any sports, not even as spectators.

Refurbished by the US government, Ghazi Olympic Stadium reopened in recent years and thousands of young athletes train here everyday, including Afghanistan’s national female boxers team.

Beaming with hope, this group of 25 girls with a mission, meet in this darkened training club in the basement with cracked mirrors, three times a week. They train tirelessly and run hard practices to prepare for the upcoming Olympics 2012. The team has been given a chance to participate in Olympic games in London. They really have their work cut out for them.

Shabnam, a 19-year-old boxer won gold medal in an international competition in October 2011. Her younger sister also won silver. In a country where still a very insignificant number of women allowed by their families to participate in sports, Shabnam and her other fellow boxers continue to fight their way to the Olympics 2012 in London. “We work for the future, because the past is lost”, says Mohammad Shabir Sharifi coach of the national female boxers team.

These boxers are the beacons of hope for Afghanistan and their victory means hope and encouragement to millions of other Afghan women. Despite threats of kidnapping, their bravery and the love and support these young women receive from their families and their coach will ensure they can pursue of their Olympic dreams. Their spirits are high and with practice and strong determination they will show the world that they too can be the contenders.

The team that represents Afghanistan in international competitions has little support from the government ($1 a day per athlete). Local charities together with Oxfam are supporting the young boxers.

There is now a petition to the Afghan President, Hamid Karzai and Afghan government to protect and support the Afghan women’s boxing team as they prepare for the Olympics.

Hameed Tasal from Afghanistan blogs at JalalaGood

KAMPALA: Three years ago, a sealed yellow envelope reached to the news desk of the now-defunct Addis Neger newspaper, where I was working as an editor. That envelope contained a leaked document. The first page of the document echoed the bold words that has become synonymous with the Ethiopian politics these days – “Anti-Terrorism Proclamation”.

I recalled the disbelief on the faces of the editors after thoroughly reading the draft proclamation. Some contents of the bill were vague and open to interpretation. The definition of the terrorism and terrorist acts was also “extremely broad and ambiguous”.  On contrary to the norm, the bill was shifting the burden of proof onto suspects unlike in other matters in criminal justice.  It also allowed surveillance and interception of communications without a court warrant.

What shocked us most was the article that stifled freedom of speech and expression. The bill stated,  “whosoever writes, edits, prints, publishes, publicizes, disseminates, shows, makes to be heard any promotional statements encouraging, supporting or advancing terrorist acts are punishable with rigorous imprisonment.”

We were discussing that the bill with such ambiguous terms will give a license to the government to silence critical and dissent voice.  We were definitely sure that the proclamation would worsen the self-censorship in Ethiopian private press.

In subsequent months, Addis Neger was running news, analytical feature stories and editorials about the bill. The writers and editors of the paper argued that the bill would gravely contribute to the narrowed political sphere in Ethiopia. The government’s response was defensive.

Since day one, it tried to stop critics of the proclamation. After the leaked bill published on Addis Neger, a senior official from the Ministry of Justice called our reporter into his office and grilled him about our source. The official also sent a warning message to the editors through the reporter.

The paper continued writing about the bill but ironically enough it became one of the first victims of the law. All founders and editors of the newspaper left the country after they learnt that the government was preparing criminal charges against them based on the new anti-terrorism law.

The government denied the claim but later it begun the massive arrests in the name of fighting terrorism. According to Amnesty International, since March 2011 at least 107 Ethiopian opposition politicians and journalists have been arrested and charged with various offences, under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation and Criminal Code, for what should be legitimate activities and criticism of government.

The massive crackdown had gone with little international highlight until Swedish journalists, Martin Schibbye and Johan Persson, were arrested in the volatile Somali region of Ethiopia. The government charged them with supporting a rebel group, Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), and entering Ethiopia illegally. I first did not think that their case would go as far as convicted them of supporting terrorism and sentencing them to 11 years’ imprisonment.

On previous similar cases the government’s highest punishment was expelling of the accused journalists. The government had for instance arrested New York Times journalist Jeffrey Gettleman, his wife and colleague, in the Ogaden region in May 2007.

After they expelled the Gettleman , the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that Gettleman and his colleagues were crossing the border into Somalia and then returned to Ethiopia clandestinely. “The Ministry finds it intolerable that Mr. Gettleman is prepared to try to make terrorists appear to look like rebels with a cause, to make heroes out of a terrorist group,” the Ministry press release stated.

In June 2011, a Voice of America journalist was expelled from Ethiopia after reporting on clashes between the government and the ONLF. The government became more brutal when it comes to the Swedes. The two Swedish journalists admitted their offense of crossing the country illegally and apologized when they appeared before the court.

And they should be expelled for this offence. The guilty verdict and 11 years imprisonment sentence is not fair. I witnessed their trial in November 2011. I heard the witnesses, have seen the video evidences and heard the litigation. The testimonies of the witnesses during cross-examination were confusing. The video evidences screened in the court only showed the preparation and journey of the two journalists in to the Somali region. I had expected the judge to drop the testimonies and the so-called evidences.

The trial of the Swedish and Ethiopian journalists did not bring justice rather it had a chilling effect for many journalists and the rights to freedom of speech and expression for Ethiopian people. Fear and self-censorship is rife among Ethiopian journalists. Many journalist friends of mine are frustrated. They don’t see any future on their profession. Some contemplated to live in exile. The few that I spoke to expected to be arrested at anytime soon. No one is sure who will be next on the list.

“Since the enactment of the anti terrorism law, Ethiopian journalists like me I am sure face a dilemma on what to report and what not to report and what would be seen as “promotion of terrorism” and what may be allowed,” Kirubel Taddesse, an assistant editor in Capital Newspaper, one of the English business weeklies in Addis Ababa, wrote recently.

Journalists are scared even to mention their names when they are being interviewed about the law. “Ever since the anti-terror law came to effect, I have become too careful not to write on issues that might upset the government,” a correspondent based in the capital Addis Ababa who declined to be named told Reuters. “In effect, it has made me avoid writing on certain issues.”

As the editors of Addis Neger newspaper  had feared, the government has used the Anti –terrorism law to gag the reporting of stories critical to lives of Ethiopians and the future of the country. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), more than 10 journalists have been charged under the anti-terrorism law in the past few months and another Amharic weekly newspaper, Awramba Times, shutdown after its owner and managing editor exiled for fear of arrest.  The law has for sure worsened the situation of rights of expression in Ethiopia.

Tesfalem Waldyes is the Editor-in-Chief of Habeshawi Kana a bi-monthly Amharic newspaper that primarily targets Ethiopian and Eritrean refugee communities in Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania and South Sudan.